
“Male dominance – and with it the prevalence of the male physique – was cemented into drugs’s very foundations… Ladies had been marked by their anatomical distinction from males, and medically outlined as defective, faulty, poor.”
— Elinor Cleghorn (2021, pp. 6-7)
The historical past of drugs is marked by an entrenched misogyny that has formed what’s studied, how it’s studied, and what’s taken to rely as official data. Organic fashions have overwhelmingly centred male physiology, male life programs, and male assumptions about danger. Ladies’s experiences have typically been handled as deviations from this norm, relatively than as phenomena worthy of research in their very own proper. This bias is especially stark in relation to ladies in midlife. Cultural narratives steadily painting menopausal ladies as dropping magnificence, worth, and sexuality, whereas healthcare disparities persist via medical bias and a relative absence of centered analysis (Gibbons, 2025a).
Towards this background, this new UK research of self-harm and suicide in ladies aged 40–59 could be very welcome. It addresses an under-examined group utilizing strong, long-term knowledge.

Ladies, significantly ladies in midlife, typically will not be the main focus of well being analysis. This research seeks to discover self-harm and suicide in ladies aged 40-59 years.
Strategies
The research attracts on routinely collected hospital knowledge from three English cities and contains greater than 14,000 hospital displays for self-harm by ladies aged 40–59 between 2003 and 2016, with mortality follow-up via nationwide Workplace for Nationwide Statistics data to the top of 2019. The authors study charges of hospital-presenting self-harm, strategies used, clinician-recorded precipitants, medical responses together with psychosocial evaluation and psychiatric admission, repetition of self-harm, and suicide mortality. A comparability group of youthful ladies aged 25–39 is included, and variations inside midlife are explored utilizing five-year age bands.
Outcomes
The authors report a number of key findings. Charges of hospital-presenting self-harm in ladies aged 40–59 had been excessive however decrease than in youthful ladies, and self-harm charges declined steadily throughout midlife, with the bottom charges in ladies aged 55–59, whereas remaining comparatively secure over time general. In contrast with youthful ladies, ladies in midlife had been extra prone to report monetary difficulties, alcohol issues, bodily well being issues, psychological well being issues, and bereavement as precipitants of self-harm, with bodily well being issues and bereavement rising with age inside midlife and alcohol involvement widespread throughout all age bands. Regardless of declining self-harm displays and decreased longer-term repetition in older midlife ladies, medical responses turned extra intensive with age, with greater charges of psychosocial evaluation and psychiatric inpatient admission. All-cause mortality elevated markedly throughout midlife, and suicide mortality was greater than twice as excessive within the oldest midlife ladies in contrast with the youngest, though absolutely the variety of suicide deaths was small.

Suicide mortality was greater than twice as excessive within the oldest midlife ladies in contrast with the youngest ladies.
Conclusions
The authors conclude that ladies in midlife will not be a homogeneous group, that vulnerabilities and care wants change throughout this era, and that better consideration to alcohol use, monetary stressors, bodily and psychological well being issues, and age-related social transitions could also be vital for medical formulation and security planning.

Ladies in midlife will not be a homogenous group; we have to discover what components contribute to the elevated charges of suicide on this inhabitants.
Strengths and limitations
To know what this research actually tells us, we have to do one thing that suicide analysis nonetheless struggles to do, and that isn’t performed clearly within the authors’ interpretation: we have to separate self-harm from suicide, and study every fastidiously relatively than assuming they’re merely totally different expressions of the identical drawback. One of many enduring difficulties in suicide analysis is the tendency to break down self-harm and suicide right into a single continuum, regardless of many years of proof that they’re associated however distinct phenomena (Gibbons 2024a, 2024b; Gibbons, 2025a). Self-harm, which is widespread, and suicide, which is uncommon, are sometimes handled as interchangeable, an assumption that obscures their totally different capabilities, motivations, and dynamics, and may confound each analysis and medical apply (Gibbons, 2025b).
Self-harm typically capabilities as a approach of dealing with misery: regulating overwhelming have an effect on, speaking ache, or sustaining connection (Gibbons, 2024a). Suicide, in contrast, extra typically entails withdrawal from relationship and a transfer towards psychic finality, an try to flee insufferable psychological ache relatively than to sign it (Shneidman, 1993). Though self-harm is statistically related to later suicide (Geulayov et al., 2019; Hawton et al., 2015; Tidemalm et al., 2015), this doesn’t imply the 2 are psychologically equal. They might share vulnerabilities, reminiscent of lack of mentalisation or collapse of symbolic processing, whereas remaining clinically and phenomenologically totally different acts (Gibbons, 2024).
When self-harm is examined in its personal proper on this research, a transparent age-related sample emerges. Hospital-presenting self-harm is extra widespread in youthful ladies aged 25–39 than in ladies aged 40–59, and inside midlife it declines steadily throughout successive five-year age bands. Ladies aged 55–59 current far much less typically than ladies aged 40–44. The consistency of this sample throughout each between-group comparisons and within-group comparisons means that self-harm, as a hospital-visible behaviour, turns into much less widespread as ladies transfer from younger maturity into and thru midlife. Throughout all midlife age teams, self-poisoning was the dominant methodology of self-harm. With rising age, overdoses involving benzodiazepines turned extra widespread, whereas patterns of repetition additionally modified. There was no distinction in 12-month repetition of self-harm between age teams, however longer-term repetition decreased with age, indicating that older midlife ladies had been much less prone to re-present repeatedly after an preliminary episode. These findings about self- hurt stand independently of any conclusions about suicide, and are in keeping with earlier analysis on this space.
One doable approach of understanding this age-related decline in self-harm, is developmental. In my very own work on the psychodynamics of self-harm (Gibbons, 2024a), I’ve described self-harm as an acting-out behaviour that happens when emotional expertise can’t be adequately symbolised, such that misery have to be communicated throughout the physique boundary relatively than via phrases. From this angle, declining self-harm with age could replicate an elevated capability to mentalise and articulate misery verbally relatively than enact it bodily. This doesn’t indicate that misery diminishes with age, however that its mode of expression could change, with the physique turning into much less crucial as a website of communication when symbolic thought is extra accessible. Importantly, this interpretation considerations self-harm solely and tells us nothing about suicide.
What, then, does the research inform us about suicide? As a result of the cohort is restricted to ladies who had already self-harmed and introduced to hospital, the suicide findings apply solely to a specific subgroup of those that die by suicide. This is a crucial power, because it permits long-term outcomes to be examined in a clearly outlined inhabitants, but it surely additionally highlights a persistent limitation in suicide analysis: the tendency to give attention to what’s most seen to providers relatively than the place most suicide deaths truly happen, particularly amongst individuals not in touch with psychological well being providers, lots of whom don’t have any recorded historical past of psychological sickness.
The size of follow-up on this research is essential. Index self-harm displays occurred between 2003 and 2016, with mortality outcomes tracked till the top of 2019. Contributors had been subsequently adopted for as much as roughly 16 years, with a minimal follow-up of round three years. Suicide analyses had been performed utilizing person-years-at-risk, confirming that this was a long-term consequence research relatively than an examination of short-term suicide danger following self-harm. Over this era, the danger of dying by suicide was low, round 1 in 100. Of the 6,147 ladies who could possibly be traced for mortality follow-up, 77 died by suicide, similar to roughly 1.2–1.3% of the self-harm–skilled midlife cohort. This discovering is in keeping with different modern cohort research of suicide following hospital-presenting self-harm Hawton et al., 2015).
Suicide mortality was not evenly distributed throughout midlife. Throughout the cohort, suicide mortality elevated with age, such that ladies aged 55–59 skilled greater than twice the suicide mortality of girls aged 40–44, though absolutely the variety of deaths remained small in all age bands. The research doesn’t present that suicide follows escalating or repeated self-harm, that it may be predicted from the frequency of self-harm, or that elevated medical contact prevents it.
These findings are attention-grabbing, however they are often interpreted in a couple of approach. One query the research doesn’t handle instantly is how this sample compares with males in the identical age teams. Proof from giant hospital-presenting self-harm cohorts, suicide mortality in males will increase with age; in register-linked Scandinavian knowledge, males within the 45–59 age band have greater first-year suicide incidence than males aged 30–44, and huge English multicentre research additionally present a optimistic age–danger relationship (Geulayov G 2019, Tildeman 2015). This raises the chance that what we’re seeing in midlife ladies just isn’t merely a organic story, however a relational and developmental one, formed by gendered pathways of misery, visibility, and help-seeking.

What this research in the end exhibits is that self-harm and suicide will not be interchangeable outcomes, however totally different expressions of misery that unfold throughout midlife in several methods.
Implications for apply
There is no such thing as a present proof that suicide will be predicted, and self-harm and suicide will not be interchangeable phenomena. Suicidal ideation has a low predictive worth, and though self-harm is related to elevated danger at a inhabitants stage, it doesn’t slim down a gaggle liable to suicide in a approach that’s clinically helpful.
Our function in psychological well being is to not predict suicide; that may be a distortion of our reality-based activity. When somebody expresses suicidal ideas or self-harms, they’re speaking misery. These acts could sign a lack of capability to mentalise, a collapse within the skill to place emotions into phrases. Our activity is to not forecast dying, however to show in the direction of the individual and ask what these communications imply. If we will help people restore symbolic considering and title their misery, we usually tend to assist them re-engage with life. As in different areas of healthcare, our intention just isn’t solely to stop dying, however to assist individuals dwell.
For girls, midlife is usually a interval of profound transition. It may contain organic change, but additionally loss, reorientation and the renegotiation of id. It could be a time of mourning of youth, fertility, roles and relationships, but additionally a time of reawakening and consolidation, a reclaiming of authority and expertise. The stigma directed at ladies as they age must be challenged. Cultural narratives painting decline and invisibility, but many ladies expertise midlife as a interval of integration and power. Personally and clinically, I’ve by no means felt extra seen or highly effective than at this stage of life.
In abstract, the implications for apply will not be about refining prediction, however about deepening formulation. Every girl presenting in midlife requires a person, biopsychosocial formulation that takes significantly her historical past, her relational world, her bodily well being, her social and financial context, and the developmental transitions of this stage of life.
Expressions of suicidality or self-harm needs to be understood as communications of misery, typically rising when feelings can’t but be symbolised. Our function is to assist restore that capability, to suppose, to call, to mourn, and to make that means, relatively than to focus narrowly on danger prediction. Good apply is considerate, relational and contextual, not algorithmic.

Our intention just isn’t solely to stop dying, however to assist individuals dwell. Every girl presenting in midlife requires a person, biopsychosocial formulation that takes significantly her historical past, relational world, bodily well being and social context.
Assertion of pursuits
Rachel Gibbons is a marketing consultant psychiatrist, psychoanalyst and group analyst. She has written beforehand in regards to the menopause transition and the dangers of over-biological framings of girls’s psychological well being. AI was used as a part of the drafting course of for this weblog. Rachel Gibbons reviewed and edited all content material for accuracy and appropriateness.
Edited by
Laura Hemming.
Hyperlinks
Major paper
Caroline Clements, Harriet Bickley, Keith Hawton, Galit Geulayov, Keith Waters, Jennifer Ness, Samantha Kelly, Ellen Townsend, Louis Appleby, Nav Kapur. (2025). Self-harm in ladies in midlife: charges, precipitating issues and outcomes following hospital displays within the multicentre research of self-harm in England. The British Journal of Psychiatry, 227(1), 456-462.
Different references
Cleghorn, E. (2021). Unwell Ladies: A Journey By means of Medication and Delusion in a Man-Made World.
Geulayov G, Hawton Ok, Casey D, et al. (2019). Suicide following presentation to hospital for non-fatal self-harm within the Multicentre Research of Self-harm in England. The Lancet Psychiatry, 6(12), 1022–1030.
Gibbons, R. (2024a). The psychodynamics of self-harm. BJPsych Advances, 31(3), 164-172.
Gibbons, R., (2024b). Understanding the psychodynamics of the pathway to suicide. Worldwide Assessment of Psychiatry, pp.1-9.
Gibbons, R. (2025a). The menopause transition: a name for a holistic method. BJPsych Bulletin, 1-3.
Gibbons, R. (2025b). Rethinking suicide prevention: from prediction to understanding. BJPsych Worldwide, 22(4), 131-134.
Hawton Ok, Bergen H, Cooper J, et al. (2015). Suicide following self-harm: findings from the Multicentre Research of Self-harm in England, 2000–2012. Journal of Affective Issues, 175, 147–151.
Tidemalm D, Beckman Ok, Dahlin M, Vaez M, Lichtenstein P, Långström N, Runeson B. (2015). Age-specific suicide mortality following non-fatal self-harm: nationwide cohort research in Sweden. Psychological Medication, 45(8), 1699–1707.
Shneidman, E. S. (1993). Commentary: Suicide as psychache. Journal of Nervous & Psychological Illness, 181(3), 145-147.


